Hunt, Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy, 94–100. 24 Marquis Childs, “Fulbright's Role as Sober Critic,” The Washington Post, Monday, Apr. for this article. But where revolution threatened our way of life directly, and I think it is natural, we are not sympathetic.”Footnote 106 Brinton concluded that peoples around the globe would continue to fight for new visions of their futures, to expound ideologies that Americans considered radical or dangerous, and to create nation-states that did not conform to American values or institutions. And, like Brinton, Hartz was skeptical of what he considered the U.S.'s proclivity for intervention. We should never attempt, as Hitler did, to conquer cruelly for our own avowed good; when we conquer people, or indeed have any dealing with them, we do so for their good.Footnote 49, There was an additional difficulty—nationalism. The Constitution makes the president commander in chief of the armed forces, but gives Congress the power to declare war, sometimes creating tension between the two branches. 69 SCFR, “Statement of Dr. Crane Brinton, Professor of History, Harvard University,” 20. Feature Flags: { Some explicitly focused on the prosecution of the war, such as John Kerry's April 1971 “Winter Soldier” testimony on behalf of Vietnam Veterans against the War.Footnote 35 Still others explicitly handled the broadest questions about U.S. history, the nation's values, and its changing role in a decolonizing world. At a time when most Southern Democrats were zealous anti-communists, Fulbright clashed openly with both Senate McCarthyites and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. As the nation expanded, however, the quest for a nationalist creation story and a usable past intensified.Footnote 6 As Joyce Appleby has noted, the generation born between Independence and 1800 “some enthusiastically, others reluctantly—took on the self-conscious task of elaborating the meaning of the American Revolution.”Footnote 7 For the next generation of historians, the Revolution acquired a religious dimension, becoming the end point of a providential plan to bring light to the New World. Fulbright pressed him: “Is it true that in most of our interventions we haven't been very successful in trying to bring about a revolution and the creation of a better society?” Brinton hedged, responding that the nation's interventions had mostly been in the Americas and did not necessarily “count,” dismissing “the conventional opera bouffe South American revolution.” In Brinton's estimation, “where we have attempted to intervene, notably at present in the Vietnam revolution which I regard as a very complicated one indeed, at the moment we seem not to have been successful.”Footnote 60, At this point Al Gore, Sr. (D-TN) inquired about the role of “esprit gospel” and the “dedications of faith and ideology,” which were so central to the spread of revolutionary movements. Both men were China experts and testified on the second day, February 21. 4 Schocket, Andrew M., “The American Revolution: New Directions for a New Century,” Reviews in American History 38, no. }. If Senator J. William Fulbright were still with us, he would be turning 108 today. Finally, there is the entertaining but questionable account in journalist Tristram Coffin's Senator Fulbright: Portrait of a Public Philosopher (London, 1966). Though less famous than Hartz, Brinton himself has been the subject of some study. Many academics, activists, and policy makers sincerely believed that with the correct guidance or strategic application of political, military, or economic pressure, it should be possible that certain foreigners could become “potential Americans” and share in the proverbial blessings of liberty.Footnote 108 But how often were such initiatives successful? , on the nation 's detriment by the United States “ no longer exist have all offered of! 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